Every child may be equal in the classroom, but the funding behind their schools tells a more complicated story. Scratch beneath the surface of Australia’s religious school sector and you’ll find a patchwork of support stitched together with politics, philanthropy, and public purse strings. From Catholic cathedrals of learning to Sikh grassroots initiatives, the numbers reveal who’s in favour, who’s just scraping by and who’s building future-proof security fences before library wings.
Start with Catholic schools. Long the big beasts in Australia’s religious education sector, they’ve enjoyed a blend of federal backing and loyal community support for decades. They get over half of their per-student funding from the Australian Government, with fees and private contributions making up the rest. The capital side of things isn’t shy either. In 2022 alone, Catholic schools poured $2.2 billion into buildings and facilities. This isn’t all off government cheques—much of it comes from parents, alumni, and religious orders.
Even at the state level, Catholic institutions rarely walk alone. In the ACT, funding jumped by 12% between 2018 and 2020. The Commonwealth’s contribution during that time ballooned by 27%. And in November 2024, four South Australian Catholic schools were handed a further $6.34 million to improve infrastructure and help disadvantaged students. It’s not just continuity. It’s generosity with regularity.
Compare that with Australia’s Sikh schools and the gap is almost spiritual. The Sikh Grammar School in Sydney stands as the community’s flagship institution—and it’s entirely community-funded. That’s $4 million raised by 2018, with a projected $200 million price tag in the long run. No government stepped in to help buy land or pour concrete. State support only kicks in once the gates are open and the kids are inside. It’s education as a test of devotion—no grants, just grit.
Then there’s the middle path: Jewish and Islamic schools, increasingly framed through the lens of security. The Albanese Government’s 2024 package included $32.5 million in protection grants to the Executive Council of Australian Jewry for bolstering security at schools and synagogues. That follows $25 million the previous year and sits atop a broader $50 million fund—the Securing Faith-Based Places program—which Jewish and Islamic institutions share. The same year, $6 million was also earmarked for mental health services at both Jewish and Islamic schools, hinting at a recognition that psychological safety matters as much as gates and guards.
Islamic schools in Victoria got a boost with $30 million in capital funding from the 2023–24 State Budget. This is welcome, given the community’s long history of funding headaches and accountability rows. The infamous case of Malek Fahd Islamic School in 2012, where public money was frozen amid financial irregularities, still casts a long shadow. Even so, the funding taps are now slowly turning back on—though not without a trace of scrutiny and suspicion.
Politics is never far from the classroom either. When Peter Dutton stood up on March 23, 2025, to promise $8.5 million for Australia’s first Hindu school, it wasn’t during an education summit or religious diversity forum. It was a campaign announcement. A pledge made in anticipation, not appropriation. The dollars may follow—but only if the votes do first.
That’s the subtle art of faith-based funding in Australia. Much of it is predicated not just on need or scale but electoral calculus. The Victorian Government’s $450 million pool for non-government low-fee schools naturally benefits the large Catholic system, but Islamic schools get their slice too. The trick lies in presentation. A local MP visits, a ribbon is cut, and the community’s sense of visibility increases—even when the budget was approved months earlier.
The mix of capital and recurrent funding varies sharply too. Government schools enjoy consistent state-backed infrastructure investment, but Catholic and many independent schools, especially those serving specific communities, shoulder the burden of capital works. Buildings come first, then funding. In that context, communities like the Sikhs face the dual challenge of raising funds for bricks and simultaneously navigating state requirements for eventual support.
Meanwhile, federal programs like the Choice and Affordability Fund (CAF) keep the wider non-government sector ticking along. Designed to run from 2020 to 2029, the CAF aims to help independent schools deal with rising costs and particular challenges. It’s backed by the Non-Government Reform Support Fund, a pot designed to support national and state-specific policies in the independent school sector. It’s more system maintenance than upgrade, but it keeps the lights on.
All this creates a system where Catholic schools thrive, Jewish and Islamic schools are fortified, and newer communities like the Sikhs and Hindus must wait their turn at the budget buffet. When religious education funding becomes a proxy for political outreach or cultural reassurance, the stakes shift. It’s no longer just about literacy or STEM—it’s about visibility, security, and perceived loyalty.
It would be tempting to see these grants and promises as neutral lines in a spreadsheet. But education rarely works that way. The numbers tell their own story—one of privilege institutionalised, of communities emerging and finding their voice, and of a government apparatus that listens more carefully when the timing suits.
Some will argue that faith shouldn’t be bankrolled with public money. Others will point out that if public schools are already stretched, subsidising private belief feels like a luxury we can’t afford. But when the government does write cheques—whether for school roofs or bulletproof doors—it’s clear the real question isn’t whether faith should be funded. It’s whose faith gets funded first.
Sources: NCEC, ACT Education Directorate, Australian Jewish News, Attorney-General’s Department, and Victorian School Building Authority
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💰Australia’s religious schools receive varied funding: Catholic #schools get govt support, while Sikh & Hindu schools rely on community efforts.🏫Jewish & Islamic schools benefit from security grants. Funding reflects political priorities. #TheIndianSunhttps://t.co/ZsIC4CjwzX
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