Friends, deals, differences: The Quad’s tightrope

By Our Reporter
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Foreign Ministers Takeshi Iwaya (Japan), Dr S Jaishankar (India), Marco Rubio (United States) and Penny Wong (Australia) pictured at the 2025 Quad Foreign Ministers’ Meeting in Washington. The gathering focused on maritime security, economic resilience, digital infrastructure and emergency preparedness across the Indo-Pacific. Senator Wong posted this image on X, highlighting the urgency of the moment: “It’s never been more crucial to take concrete actions that support peace, stability and prosperity in the Indo-Pacific.” Image: Penny Wong/X

Penny Wong’s second trip to Washington this year came at a time when diplomacy required more than the usual talking points. The Foreign Minister attended the second Quad Foreign Ministers’ Meeting of 2025, joining counterparts from India, Japan and the United States. This was not just another catch-up. It was a reminder that while the Quad is not a military bloc, it is increasingly being called upon to act like one.

Wong posted soon after the meeting, writing, “Today Sec Rubio hosted the second Quad FMM this year, a signal of the importance of our partnership and the urgency of the challenges we face. We agreed that it’s never been more crucial to take concrete actions that support peace, stability and prosperity in the Indo-Pacific.” She added that the Quad’s agenda now extends from maritime security to economic resilience, including cooperation on critical minerals and regional emergency response. “We know that we are stronger and safer by working together,” she said.

Her discussions in Washington included a bilateral meeting with US Secretary of State Marco Rubio. There were no surprises in tone. Wong described it as “a good discussion,” noting that Rubio had expressed regret for the President’s absence from a previously planned meeting with Prime Minister Albanese. A new date is being arranged. Diplomatically, Australia remains committed to the relationship, but the balance is becoming harder to maintain.

Defence spending was expected to be raised, but Wong said it did not come up. “The Secretary of State did not raise Australia’s defence budget with me,” she told Sunrise hosts Natalie Barr and David Woiwod in an interview on 2 July. She redirected the conversation to AUKUS, calling it a long-term undertaking that would require commitment across several changes of government in all three participating countries. “It’s a multi-decade project,” she said, “and one that many of us will be working to secure.”

Even so, anxiety around AUKUS persists. The Trump administration is reviewing the arrangement, fuelling concerns in Canberra about delays in submarine delivery and escalating costs. Australia has already made strategic shifts, with the 2023 Defence Strategic Review calling for a more focused posture in the country’s north. The goal is alignment with regional cooperation objectives, including supply chain resilience and maritime preparedness. AUKUS is central to that equation, but it now moves under the shadow of American uncertainty.

Trade, too, is beginning to look less predictable. The United States is poised to reinstate the so-called “Liberation Day” tariffs when its 90-day pause expires next week. Wong confirmed that the topic was discussed, even if she is not the chief trade negotiator. “We have a free trade agreement with the United States,” she said. “That agreement assures the US of entry into the Australian market without tariffs. We will continue to seek the application of that agreement for Australian goods and services.” On exemptions, Wong was less specific, admitting only that Australia and the US have a “difference of views.”

That difference could become costly. Australian exporters, particularly in agriculture and manufacturing, are vulnerable to shifting tariff policies. Trump-era economic nationalism has not gone away. Wong’s messaging was consistent, but there was no sign of a breakthrough.

India’s External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar, meanwhile, arrived in Washington in a more assertive position. India’s defence relationship with Australia is growing through bilateral exercises such as AUSINDEX and Malabar. A logistics support agreement allows both countries to refuel and resupply in each other’s ports. India is also pitching its digital infrastructure, including Aadhaar and UPI, as models for wider regional adoption.

Yet tensions on India’s western border cast a long shadow. Operation Sindoor, launched in May 2025 following a deadly terrorist attack in Kashmir, reignited hostilities with Pakistan. A ceasefire brokered by the United States quickly followed, but it was undermined soon after by Trump’s high-profile meeting with Pakistan’s Army Chief General Asim Munir. For India, this raised questions. For Australia, which has spent years deepening ties with Delhi, it created new ambiguity.

The Quad remains flexible by design. It has no treaty, no headquarters and no binding obligations. That allows it to evolve quietly, without triggering formal opposition. But it also limits its ability to coordinate action when crises emerge. Still, for Australia, it provides something useful. It keeps the country connected to key regional players without locking it into a single strategy that may shift with political cycles.

Wong’s handling of the trip has been widely read as steady. She maintained Australia’s interests without overplaying them. She reinforced partnerships, clarified positions and avoided unnecessary friction. In her words and in her silence, she held the line.

In a region where volatility is rising and alliances are being tested, quiet consistency is a form of strength. The Quad is not a solution, but it is a structure. And for now, structure is enough.


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