Tight lines in Adelaide: Inner city politics meets outer pressure

By Maria Irene
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Steve Georganas MP joins students in celebrating academic excellence at a local Adelaide school

Adelaide has long been a story of proximity. To the hills, the sea, and to political tipping points. What was once considered a relatively safe Labor seat has, in recent years, become a snapshot of the slow-pressure politics reshaping Australian cities. The seat, covering much of Adelaide’s inner north-west, has been represented by Labor’s Steve Georganas since 2004 (excluding a brief shift to Hindmarsh due to redistributions), and he returns again as the candidate to beat. But the competition in 2025 is not coming only from the usual quarters. The lines are tightening—not from a seismic shift, but a set of localised adjustments.

The electorate of Adelaide is younger, denser, and more multicultural than ever. Nearly 45% of residents are aged between 20 and 39, giving the seat one of the lowest median age profiles in the country. Roughly a third of households speak a language other than English at home, and more than half of its residents live in medium to high-density housing. Indian, Chinese, and Vietnamese communities have grown steadily, and so too have short-stay renters and international students returning to the CBD and inner suburbs. That proximity to the city centre makes the electorate one of the few places in South Australia where migration debates, public housing waits, and cycle path upgrades all land in the same inbox.

The full slate of seven candidates is emblematic of this demographic and ideological cross-pressure. Steve Georganas, running for Labor, will benefit from deep local recognition, but faces headwinds. The Liberal Party’s Amy Grantham is campaigning with renewed energy on law and order, infrastructure backlogs, and the cost of living. With the South Australian Liberals recently regaining a pulse in state polls, her campaign—though still trailing—is gaining noise online, particularly among property-focused community pages and voter segments fatigued by federal inaction on rent controls and congestion.

On Georganas’s left flank stands Mat Monti from The Greens, whose base in North Adelaide, Bowden, and parts of Prospect is firming. Their vote rose to 17.4% in 2022, up by almost three points from 2019. If replicated or exceeded, it could redirect preferences in surprising ways. Monti has leaned into climate infrastructure, free public transport trials, and housing equity—all topics amplified by younger voters frustrated with both major parties. The Greens’ campaign has also been amplified by local volunteer footwork rather than high-cost media buys.

Amy Grantham takes her message to the streets—campaigning for Adelaide on two wheels

The wildcard candidacies are notable less for their electoral strength than for their thematic presence. Riley Size from Pauline Hanson’s One Nation is making noise around immigration and social cohesion, although their base in Adelaide is modest, with the party polling under 5% in previous outings. Matthew McMillan from FUSION, with a platform spanning planetary rescue and whistleblower protections, is running what appears to be a message-first campaign with limited visibility. Likewise, Lionel Pengilley from the Animal Justice Party focuses heavily on ethical treatment policies and cruelty-free governance—issues that may resonate in isolated pockets such as West Croydon or Brompton but are unlikely to translate into broad votes. Steve Marks from the Trumpet of Patriots, a populist newcomer, adds to the crowded ideological spread but does not yet register strongly across social sentiment or polling samples.

What sets this year apart is less the candidate lineup and more the drift of voter anxieties. Housing is top of mind. CoreLogic figures show a 9.8% increase in Adelaide house prices over the past year, with the median dwelling value in the city now exceeding $740,000. Vacancy rates have tightened, and renters—who now make up 47% of the electorate—report rising frustration. Migrant-heavy suburbs like Kilburn and Thebarton are experiencing gentrification and rental turnover that’s triggering wider concern about displacement and housing insecurity.

Public transport remains a quiet voter irritant. The controversial privatisation of Adelaide’s tram and train services under the previous Liberal government, partially reversed since, has left a lingering distrust. While the system remains functional, delays and cost-of-living fatigue have made infrastructure reliability a sleeper issue. Greens and Labor voters are particularly attuned to this, though the Liberals are cautiously offering fixes without explicitly re-litigating the privatisation.

Voting patterns from 2022 suggest a slow burn rather than a landslide in any direction. Labor’s two-party preferred result then stood at 60.1%, a comfortable margin but not untouchable. The informal vote rate was 4.7%, consistent with national averages, and turnout stood at 91.2%. What’s shifted since then is not a rupture but an erosion of certainty. Independents and minor parties collectively took more than 20% of the primary vote in 2022, and early polling this cycle suggests that figure could rise. While preference flows still favour Labor, the rise of three-way contests in individual booths complicates projections.

Matt Monti, Greens candidate for Adelaide, joins Women in Black protesters on the steps of SA Parliament, calling for peace and a ceasefire in Gaza

Social media metrics, while imperfect, reflect a narrowed enthusiasm gap. Labor’s content garners higher engagement overall, but Grantham’s campaign has struck chords with homeowners and small business operators in fringe zones of the electorate. The Greens, meanwhile, dominate in engagement volume per follower—especially among under-35 voters. Despite this, their conversion into actual booth-turnout remains untested at scale.

The electorate itself is shifting underfoot. According to council-level migration data, the City of Adelaide recorded a 24% increase in overseas arrivals in the past year, and over 8,000 temporary visa holders now live within the electorate. Many cannot vote, but they shape local culture, rental dynamics, and small business rhythms. Their presence has become a quiet point of policy friction—especially on education funding, public space usage, and temporary housing solutions.

Campaign activity has focused accordingly. Georganas’s team is running a quieter ground game than in previous elections, opting for distributed door-knocking and targeted outreach. The Liberals have been more visible in signage, and Greens canvassing teams have concentrated on key booths including Hindmarsh and Goodwood. There’s little appetite for large rallies or set-piece media events; the electorate seems more interested in mailboxes than megaphones.

Adelaide’s story has never been one of flashpoint eruptions. It shifts slowly, then all at once. If the margins contract this time, it won’t be due to a singular issue or candidate error, but to a slow accretion of local grievances: rents that creep up, trains that run late, and a growing sense among younger voters that the old labels mean less than they used to. What happens in May will echo across Australia’s urban centres, but it will land softly, as most things in Adelaide do—without fanfare, but with quiet consequence.


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