Home National The RBA’s housing dilemma: Can Australia afford cheaper homes?

The RBA’s housing dilemma: Can Australia afford cheaper homes?

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Reserve Bank of Australia Governor Michele Bullock faces growing questions over the role housing plays in Australia's economy. While the RBA's mandate is inflation and employment, policymakers have acknowledged that a material weakening in housing markets could weigh on household spending and economic growth, highlighting the central role property now plays in Australia's financial system

The latest slide in Australian property prices has revived an uncomfortable question that sits at the heart of the nation’s economy. Is Australia prepared to let house prices fall if it means making home ownership more affordable?

Fresh analysis from Cotality suggests some recent first-home buyers who entered the market with small deposits are already seeing the value of their homes edge lower. The declines are modest, ranging from 0.1 per cent to 1.5 per cent across Melbourne’s most popular First Home Buyer Guarantee postcodes, but they have reignited debate about negative equity and the delicate balancing act facing policymakers.

The issue extends well beyond the fortunes of recent homebuyers. It goes to the way Australia’s economy has been built over decades, with housing becoming one of its most powerful engines of growth.

Minutes from the Reserve Bank of Australia’s latest meeting offer an insight into that thinking. The Board noted concerns about “the risks associated with a potentially material weakening in housing markets, including if this were to inhibit growth in consumption.”

Those few words reveal much about the challenge confronting the central bank.

House prices are not part of the RBA’s formal mandate. Its objectives remain inflation, employment and economic stability. Yet housing has become so deeply embedded in Australia’s financial system that a sustained decline in property values could affect household spending, business confidence and ultimately economic growth.

The RBA’s own modelling illustrates the point.

In its November 2025 Statement on Monetary Policy, the Bank examined the economic effects of stronger house prices. Its analysis suggested that a 10 per cent increase in dwelling prices could lift GDP by almost 0.7 per cent over the following two years.

The drivers are familiar. Rising property values make homeowners feel wealthier, encouraging greater spending. Developers respond to stronger prices with increased residential construction. Banks expand lending, while governments collect more revenue through stamp duty and other property-related taxes.

Several Western economies have tightened migration settings while experiencing softer housing markets or outright price declines. Those corrections have generally not produced economic collapse

Viewed through that lens, stronger housing markets appear supportive of economic growth.

Alex Joiner, Chief Economist at IFM Investors, believes the RBA’s latest comments suggest policymakers remain highly conscious of those links.

“The RBA notes in its minutes that it is concerned about the risks associated with a potentially material weakening in housing markets, including if this were to inhibit growth in consumption,” Joiner said.

“I assume the RBA thinks that the Statement on Monetary Policy analysis from late 2025 is symmetrical.

“This is why it is always difficult to see why there would be a large correction in dwelling prices. Policymakers won’t let it happen.”

Joiner argues that the discussion continues to focus largely on the benefits that rising house prices provide for economic activity.

“The RBA is running with the idea that rising house prices are positive for economic growth,” he said.

“What it doesn’t discuss is affordability for first-home buyers, nor higher household debt becoming a future drag on growth.”

That observation touches on a debate that economists have wrestled with for years.

Higher house prices undoubtedly create wealth for existing homeowners. They also increase collateral values across the banking system and encourage investment activity.

But they come with a cost.

Each generation of buyers requires progressively larger mortgages to purchase the same home. Larger mortgages mean households devote more income to servicing debt, leaving less available for discretionary spending over the long term.

The irony is that an economic model which relies on ever-rising housing values to support growth may gradually weaken the purchasing power of future consumers.

The relationship between housing and money creation is equally important.

Many people assume banks simply lend out existing deposits. Modern banking works differently.

When a family purchases a $1 million home with a $200,000 deposit, the bank typically creates the remaining $800,000 loan by simultaneously creating a matching deposit within the banking system. The seller receives funds into their account, while the buyer takes on the debt.

In effect, new lending creates new money.

This process is one of the principal ways broad money expands in modern economies.

That does not mean higher house prices automatically increase Australia’s money supply. Rather, higher prices generally require larger mortgages, and larger mortgages create larger bank deposits. When mortgage lending expands across the economy, broad measures of money such as M3 tend to grow alongside credit.

Australia’s recent figures illustrate that trend.

Broad money, measured by M3, has risen sharply over recent months, increasing from around $3.33 trillion in December 2025 to approximately $3.42 trillion by May 2026

Broad money, measured by M3, has risen sharply over recent months, increasing from around $3.33 trillion in December 2025 to approximately $3.42 trillion by May 2026.

Not all of that increase reflects housing credit. Business lending, government activity and other forms of bank lending also contribute to money growth.

However, residential mortgages remain the largest component of Australian bank lending, making housing a major influence on the expansion of broad money over time.

That has consequences beyond the property market.

As more money enters the economy, households compete for a relatively fixed supply of homes, goods and services. Asset prices often respond first, while consumer prices can follow more gradually.

The RBA then faces the difficult task of containing inflation through higher interest rates, even as many households carry record levels of mortgage debt.

It creates a feedback loop.

Higher house prices encourage larger loans…Larger loans expand bank credit and broad money…More money supports asset values and spending…Higher spending contributes to inflationary pressures…Higher inflation requires tighter monetary policy

Higher house prices encourage larger loans.

Larger loans expand bank credit and broad money.

More money supports asset values and spending.

Higher spending contributes to inflationary pressures.

Higher inflation requires tighter monetary policy.

Higher interest rates then increase mortgage repayments while doing relatively little to improve housing affordability.

The latest Cotality figures suggest that process may now be entering a different phase.

National dwelling values fell 0.4 per cent in June, marking the largest monthly decline since late 2022. Sydney recorded a 1.2 per cent fall, while Melbourne declined by 1.0 per cent.

The modest declines in Melbourne’s outer growth corridors have prompted renewed discussion about recent first-home buyers who entered the market under the First Home Buyer Guarantee with deposits as low as five per cent.

Some may find themselves in negative equity if prices continue to soften.

For most households, however, that remains largely an accounting issue rather than an immediate financial crisis.

Negative equity only becomes problematic if owners are forced to sell, refinance or relocate while prices remain below their purchase value.

Those who remain in their homes continue reducing their loan balances through regular repayments and may recover lost equity if property prices stabilise or rise over time.

The broader policy question is whether Australia should actively prevent housing corrections whenever they emerge.

Recent experience overseas complicates the picture.

Several Western economies have tightened migration settings while experiencing softer housing markets or outright price declines. Those corrections have generally not produced economic collapse, although local circumstances differ considerably between countries.

Australia faces its own structural constraints, including strong population growth, limited housing supply and planning bottlenecks that continue to support long-term demand.

None of this suggests policymakers should deliberately engineer falling house prices.

Nor does it imply that permanently rising property values are the ideal outcome.

The challenge is finding an equilibrium where housing remains an accessible place to live rather than an asset that requires ever-larger amounts of debt to sustain economic growth.

The RBA cannot solve that problem alone.

Interest rates influence demand, but housing affordability is also shaped by planning rules, taxation, infrastructure, migration policy and the pace of new construction.

As the latest property data shows, relatively small price declines have already sparked debate about financial stability.

That may say as much about Australia’s dependence on housing as it does about the property market itself.

The deeper question is whether the nation’s economic model has become too reliant on rising land values to drive consumption and growth.

If the answer is yes, then protecting house prices at every turn may simply postpone a conversation that Australia will eventually have to confront.

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