
Victorians aren’t short on infrastructure or debt. What they might be short on is patience. Brad Battin thinks his party is finally ready to offer something else: a real alternative. A former police officer and youth worker who once ran a bakery franchise, Battin cut his teeth outside the bubble of Spring Street. He entered Parliament in 2010, representing the seat of Gembrook, and has since held portfolios from Youth Justice to Emergency Services.
After years on the party’s right flank—and one failed tilt at the leadership in 2021—he now leads a Victorian Liberal Party still recovering from one of its worst electoral performances. The challenge: persuading voters that the Liberals, after a decade on the back foot, can be trusted to govern a state shaped by Labor rule and big-ticket infrastructure politics.
“I think we’ve missed a trick on communication,” Battin says candidly, seated in his office, the voice of outer-suburban frustration mixing with a sense of renewal. “We’re working to fix that. You can’t meet every individual, but you can absolutely work with key community and religious groups to give people a vision that matches their aspirations—a home, opportunity, safety.”
Those aspirations are central to the party’s plans for 2026, where Battin eyes marginal growth corridor seats—Hastings, Pakenham, Werribee—and beyond. “We don’t just need sixteen seats to win; we’re looking seriously at thirty. Most are in regions that feel neglected.”
That feeling is especially acute in Melbourne’s expanding multicultural west, where Battin says past Liberal campaigns fell short. “We’re a different party now. We’re listening more. We know we don’t have all the answers, so we’re opening the door to communities to shape solutions with us.”
His approach to multicultural affairs is pragmatic but cautious. When asked about the 25% drop in multicultural spending in the latest state budget, Battin points to Victoria’s debt levels. “We’re spending $1.2 million an hour just on interest. That’s 10% of Victoria’s income lost to interest each year. The waste on over-budget projects is staggering. We’d rather that money go into schools, hospitals, and community groups.”
Pressed on support for Indian-Australians, he recalls three trips to India and speaks admiringly of the diaspora’s values. “People from India want what everyone else does—good education, fair health access, a future for their kids. But we need to help them navigate our systems better. You can’t just say ‘go to hospital.'”
He singles out language schools as a policy frontier. “We haven’t finalised the details, but I’m clear: knowing more than one language is a huge asset. We should give families the choice. Hindi, Punjabi, Tamil, Malayalam—these shouldn’t just be Saturday options.”
Housing affordability, another faultline in suburban Victoria, is where Battin hopes to land a blow. He’s promised to abolish stamp duty for first-home buyers on properties under $1 million. “That’s only the beginning. We’re looking at decentralisation, better land supply, and different housing models. High-rises suit some, not all.”
Would that drive up prices? “Not right now,” he argues. “Approvals are down. Builders are desperate. The priority is restoring demand, then unlocking more supply. And any price growth must be moderate—we can’t price out the next generation.”
On law and order, he’s blunt. “Banning machetes was overdue by two years. But it’s more than the ban. If you’re caught with one, there needs to be jail time. People are on bail committing repeated crimes. Break bail, face jail.”
Still, enforcement alone isn’t enough, he says. “We need to prevent the pipeline. Kids from broken homes, or in government care, are falling into crime because they fall through the cracks. Programs like Operation Newstart worked before. We need that kind of thinking again.”
When asked about police morale, he nods. “We’ve lost senior police because of government interference. That has consequences for public trust.”
When it comes to the state’s budget, Battin steers clear of promising sweeping cuts. “It’s about efficiencies. Too many boards, committees, public agencies with no clear outcomes. And the government’s own reports show 30 cents in every project dollar is lost to waste or corruption. That’s where the savings lie.”
Still, he rules out touching frontline services. “Health, education, transport—they’re already stretched. Nurses are short, police are striking, trains are off-schedule. We’d reassign back-office roles if needed, but cuts to frontline? No.”
On the topic of internal party divisions, he’s optimistic. “We’re united. We sit in that room and talk policy, not personalities. We know the challenge ahead and the opportunity too.”
He declines to comment on John Pesutto’s $2.3 million legal bill, citing his role on the Admin Committee.
The discussion turns to international students. “Affordable housing for them? It starts with fixing tax policy. New homes in Victoria come with a 43% tax burden. That has to change. We’re punishing investors instead of welcoming them.”
He brings up AI unprompted. “We’ve got a shadow minister for digital transformation. We should be using AI to link up departments. NSW has done it with Services NSW. If a child is flagged at risk in school, systems should talk to each other. That’s how you prevent tragedy.”
So what does he want voters to remember? “That I’m just a dad who wants families to raise their kids their way. The government shouldn’t decide your religion, your values. Families should.”
And multicultural candidates? “We’re not handpicking anyone. We go through preselection. But I’m confident there will be strong multicultural representation in winnable seats.”
Brad Battin wears persistence like armour. Whether that’s enough to sway Victoria’s shifting electorate will depend not just on policy, but on whether voters see in him a reflection of their own practical concerns—and their quiet ambitions.
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