Jess Wilson did not rise in the Victorian Liberal Party by accident. She is sharp, well-connected and unafraid to chart a course that unsettles both flanks of the political aisle. At 35, she has become the first woman to lead the Victorian Liberals, a party that has churned through six leaders in a decade and lost three consecutive elections. Her elevation, after defeating Brad Battin 19 votes to 13 in a party-room ballot, is being pitched as a fresh start. Whether it becomes that will depend on her ability to hold the party together while drawing voters back from both major and minor parties.
The first thing to understand about Wilson is that she has never belonged comfortably to either the party’s conservative or progressive camps. Her record shows a pragmatic moderate with occasional convictions, but also caution. She backed the Yes campaign during the 2023 referendum, setting herself apart from many in her party. She had voiced support for Victoria’s Treaty process. But on her first day as leader, Wilson made a sharp pivot, promising to repeal the treaty if elected, and vowing to bring down power prices.
That balancing act will be tested immediately. Her own electorate of Kew is among the most engaged and affluent in the state, but the party needs to win back communities with entirely different worries: crime, housing, wage growth, congestion. Her opening pitch has focused squarely on the economy, promising cost-of-living relief, better infrastructure delivery and an end to “divisive debates.”
Former federal Energy Minister and Treasurer Josh Frydenberg, who once employed Wilson as an adviser, was quick to praise her credentials. “Jess is smart, sensible, and determined, and has what it takes to lead the state and create a better future for all Victorians,” he posted on X. “She has, at all times, reflected the very best values.”
The Liberals’ current dilemma is not policy poverty but public disinterest. They are being challenged from all sides: Labor retains a comfortable lead in the two-party preferred polls, the Greens and Teals continue to attract educated urban voters, and the minor right-wing parties have grown stronger in the wake of COVID-era discontent. A DemosAU poll taken just weeks before Wilson’s win put the Coalition ahead in the lower house on 37 percent, but Labor and the Greens still controlled more than 40 percent combined. In the upper house, One Nation and Family First have clawed support from disaffected conservatives. There is pressure from the inside too. A series of party members and pundits have denounced Wilson as a moderate who doesn’t reflect the “base.”
Matthew Camenzuli, a conservative commentator from NSW, posted bluntly: “This is Jess Wilson. The new leader of the Victorian Liberal Party. Not just any ‘moderate,’ she supports treaty. I think that tells you all you need to know. Victoria is lost.” Others went further, suggesting her rise was orchestrated without member backing and warning of a betrayal of “real” Liberals.
Before entering Parliament, Wilson worked in federal Coalition offices during the Abbott and Turnbull governments and later held senior policy roles at the Business Council of Australia. In Parliament, she was appointed to the treasury and education portfolios, where her style was methodical, if understated. Critics say she has kept too low a profile. Supporters argue she has remained scandal-free while others faltered.
On issues like immigration, her position has remained aligned with the broader party view: supportive of managed migration and multicultural integration, but light on detail. She made headlines last year for calling out the Advance campaign’s “disturbing” tone, particularly its racial subtext. That intervention may give her more room now to talk about crime and housing without drawing charges of pandering.
The test will come when issues emerge that force her to choose. On climate policy, she has previously backed renewables and emissions reduction targets, but has not yet sketched a detailed state plan. On gender and equality matters, she has a track record of supportive comments, but has avoided entangling herself in culture wars.
She inherits a party still frayed by years of factional infighting and political drift. The Kew Pool collapse, which happened metres from her office and remains unresolved, is being cited by local critics as a symbol of Liberal underperformance. One resident wrote online: “1.5 years later, Wilson has provided no info to residents and now handballed it to the Premier via a performative video in Parliament for Facebook likes. Peak Liberal ineffectiveness.” Wilson will need to show that she is not just another link in a long chain of underwhelming leadership.
Brad Battin, the man she beat, had been quietly gaining support in outer suburbs. Two October polls had him outperforming Premier Jacinta Allan as preferred Premier: 40–32 in DemosAU, 33–27 in Resolve. Wilson now faces the task of winning back those same voters – and holding her seat, which sits on a margin just under four per cent.
Wilson once organised a cricket match between the Young Liberals and Nationals to build pre-election camaraderie, calling it a “useful way of fostering friendship between the two parties.” That instinct to bring people together may be more relevant now than ever.
She understands the lure of outrage, the rewards of culture war theatrics, and the cost of chasing them. Her approach so far has been measured: wait, listen, then act. Whether that is enough to win an election remains uncertain. But it may be enough to bring her party back into the contest.
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